西方人如何看李光耀? (1)
Is Culture Destiny? The Myth of Asia's
Anti-Democratic Values - 是文化的命運? 亞洲反民主的迷思
In his interview with Foreign Affairs (March/April
1994), Singapore's former prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, presents interesting ideas about cultural differences between
Western and East Asian societies and the political implications of those
differences. Although he does not explicitly say so, his statements throughout
the interview and his track record make it obvious that his admonition to
Americans "not to foist their system indiscriminately on societies in
which it will not work" implies that Western-style democracy is not applicable to East Asia. Considering the esteem in
which he is held among world leaders and the prestige of this journal, this
kind of argument is likely to have considerable impact and therefore deserves a
careful reply.
With
the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, socialism has been in retreat. Some people conclude that the Soviet demise was the
result of the victory of capitalism over socialism. But I believe it
represented the
triumph
of democracy over dictatorship. Without democracy, capitalism in Prussian
Germany and Meiji Japan eventually met its tragic end. The many Latin American
states that in recent decades embraced capitalism while rejecting democracy
failed miserably. On the other hand, countries practicing democratic capitalism
or democratic socialism, despite temporary setbacks, have prospered.
In
spite of these trends, lingering doubts remain about the applicability of and
prospects for democracy in Asia. Such doubts have been raised mainly by Asia's
authoritarian leaders, Lee being the most articulate among them. They have long
maintained that cultural
differences
make the "Western concept" of democracy and human rights inapplicable
to East Asia. Does Asia have the philosophical and historical underpinnings
suitable for democracy? Is democracy achievable there?
SELF-SERVING
SELF-RELIANCE
Lee
stresses cultural factors throughout his interview. I too believe in the
importance of culture, but I do not think it alone determines a society's fate,
nor is it immutable. Moreover, Lee's view of Asian cultures is not only
unsupportable but self-serving. He argues that Eastern societies, unlike Western
ones, "believe that the individual exists in the context of his family" and that the family is "the building
brick of society." However, as an inevitable consequence of
industrialization, the family-centered East Asian societies are also rapidly
moving toward self-centered individualism. Nothing in human history is permanent.
Lee
asserts that, in the East, "the ruler or the government does not try to
provide for a person what the family best provides." He cites this
ostensibly self-reliant, family-oriented culture as the main cause of East
Asia's economic successes and ridicules Western governments for allegedly trying
to solve all of society's problems, even as he worries about the moral
breakdown of Western societies due to too much democracy and too many
individual rights. Consequently, according to Lee, the Western political
system, with its intrusive government, is not suited to family-orientedEast Asia. He rejects Westernization while embracing
modernization and its attendant changes in lifestyle - again strongly implying
that democracy will not work in Asia.
FAMILY
VALUES (REQUIRED HERE)
But
the facts demonstrate just
the opposite.
It is not true, as Lee alleges, that Asian governments shy away from
intervening in private matters and taking on all of society's problems. Asian
governments intrude much more than Western governments into the daily affairs
of individuals and families. In Korea, for example, each household is required
to attend monthly neighborhood meetings to receive government directives and
discuss local affairs. Japan's powerful government constantly intrudes into the
business world to protect perceived national interests, to the point of causing
disputes with the United States and other trading partners. In Lee's Singapore,
the government stringently
regulates individuals'
actions - such as chewing bubble-gum, spitting, smoking, littering, and so on -
to an Orwellian extreme of social engineering. Such facts fly in the face of
his assertion that East Asia's governments are minimalist. Lee makes these false claims to justify his rejection of
Western-style democracy. He even dislikes the one man, one vote principle, so
fundamental to modern democracy, saying that he is not "intellectually
convinced" it
is best.
Opinions
like Lee's hold considerable sway not only in Asia but among some Westerners
because of the moral breakdown of many advanced democratic societies. Many
Americans thought, for example, that the U.S. citizen Michael Fay deserved the caning he received from Singaporean authorities for his
act of vandalism. However, moral breakdown is attributable not to inherent
shortcomings of Western cultures but to those of industrial societies; a
similar phenomenon is now spreading through Asia's newly industrializing
societies. The fact that Lee's Singapore, a small city-state, needs a near-totalitarian police
state to
assert control over its citizens
contradicts
his assertion that everything would be all right if governments would refrain
from interfering in the private affairs of the family. The proper way to cure
the ills of industrial societies is not to impose the terror of a police state but
to emphasize ethical
education,
give high regard to spiritual values, and promote high standards in culture and
the arts.
LONG
BEFORE LOCKE
No
one can argue with Lee's objection to "foisting" an alien system
"indiscriminately on societies in which it will not work." The
question is whether democracy is a system so alien to Asian cultures that it
will not work. Moreover, considering Lee's record of absolute intolerance of
dissent and
the continued crackdown on dissidents in many other Asian countries, one is
also compelled to ask whether democracy has been given a chance in places like
Singapore
A
thorough analysis makes it clear that Asia has a rich heritage of
democracy-oriented philosophies and traditions. Asia has already made great
strides toward democratization and possesses the necessary conditions to
develop democracy even beyond the level of the West.
Democratic
Ideals. It is widely accepted that English political philosopher John Locke
laid the foundation for modern democracy. According to Locke, sovereign rights
reside with the people and, based on a contract with the people, leaders are
given a mandate to govern, which the people can withdraw. But almost two
millennia before Locke, Chinese philosopher Meng-tzu preached similar ideas.
According to his "Politics of Royal Ways," the king is the "Son of Heaven," and heaven bestowed on its son a mandate to
provide good government, that is, to provide good for the people. If he did not
govern righteously, the people had the right to rise up and overthrow his
government in the name of heaven. Meng-tzu even justified regicide, saying that once a king loses the mandate of
heaven he is no longer worthy of his subjects' loyalty. The people came first,
Meng-tzu said, the country second, and the king third. The ancient Chinese
philosophy of Minben Zhengchi, (民本政治)or "people-based politics," teaches that
"the will of the people is the will of heaven" and that one should
"respect the people as heaven" itself.
04/16/2015-
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